Vagens

At eleven years old, Vagens is already an experienced vegetable gardener. He lives with his mother and his older brother in a small one-room house on the road leading to Matènwa, on the rural Haitian island of Lagonav. He’s had his own garden at home since early 2005. In Matènwa, where planting can go on year-round as long as there’s water, this has meant that he’s already a veteran of five harvests.

He’s is a sixth grader at the Matènwa Community Learning Center. The Center is comprised of a primary school and a middle school. It hosts an adult literacy class, and runs a range of community education and development programs as well. The school is devoted to providing a non-violent, student-centered education tailored to the needs of the rural community it’s in.

This simple mission runs directly against the current of almost all Haitian education in three ways. First, Haitian education, especially at the primary level, is violent. Beatings and humiliations are standard pedagogical techniques, used to combat everything from misbehavior to failure to memorize one’s homework. Second, classroom practice is neither student- nor even teacher-centered. It’s text-centered. Students whose language is Haitian Creole memorize passages in French that they rarely understand either from textbooks or from summaries that their teachers write on blackboards. Third, those texts are not tailored to the communities they live in. They rarely have anything to do with the realities that children face at all. They have been designed, as have a host of customs, including strict dress codes, to prepare students to enter into someone’s image of what proper society is. And proper society is almost always urban society, not the very rural world of Matènwa.

On first looking at Vagens, an American might think him a typical sixth-grader, even if he’s just a little small. But this appearance masks a larger truth. Before the Matènwa school was founded, about ten years ago, children in the area had only limited access to formal education. In the school’s first years it was filled with overage children, kids who had not been able to start school on time and who were, therefore, well beyond typical school age. So if Vagens is now a typical sixth-grader, that is only because the school is largely succeeding in getting local children into kindergarten and first grade on time.

Vagens learned to garden right at school. The school’s vegetable garden is one way it teaches its students to appreciate their rural community. It also teaches them a skill that can directly improve their lives there. It provides much of the food for the school’s meal program as well.

Vagens learned how to create beds of decent soil, how to plant the seeds and to take care of the young plants. He decided to try it at home. He planted carrots and cabbages. He made juice with his first carrots, and ate his cabbage with cornmeal or beans and rice. He’d like to try planting eggplant soon. He likes eggplant, and wants to grow his own. His only frustration has been with the goats that sometimes slip the cords he ties them with and eat his young plants.

“Growing food in your own garden feels great,” he says. “You get to eat vegetables without spending money to buy them in the market.”

Resena

At fifteen, Resena is a fifth-grader at the Matènwa school. She’s not originally from Matènwa. She was born in Arkaye, an important coastal market town across the bay, on the Haitian mainland. As a little girl, she was sent to live with distant relatives when her father and several siblings were killed in a boating accident. She’s been at the Learning Center since kindergarten.

Life in Matènwa has be hard for her. Though the family that took her in sent her to school, they can be neglectful in other ways. This year, Margaret, the Learning Center’s head cook, a woman with three children in the school, and who is herself a fifth-grader there, was walking by the house Resena was living in when she heard her cry out. She went to see what was wrong, and discovered that Resena had been left-alone. Her adoptive family had gone to Pòtoprens and left Resena all alone. She was being harassed by a group of teenage boys, and was struggling to defend herself.

Margaret did not hesitate. She told Resena to collect her things, and brought her to live in her own already-crowded home. Resena suddenly seems like a happy child. The Learning Center’s Principal, Abner Sauveur, says she’s a very capable student.

Like all of the school’s students, Resena regularly works in the garden with her class. It’s work she loves. “We take such good care of the garden. The plants don’t die.” She especially likes working in the cabbage because she likes eating it when it’s ready.

She tried to start her own garden, but it was ruined by chickens. Now she’d like to try again, but wants to fence off a little plot before she plants it.

For more information about the Matènwa Community Learning Center, go to http://www.matenwa.org or e-mail its American Co-Director, Chris Low, at [email protected].

As I was leaving Tuesday’s meeting with Kofaviv, I was asking myself why the United Nations never came up in the conversation. The text we had been talking about is by Thomas Hobbes. He claims, among other things, that we humans are naturally inclined to conflict, and that only the presence of a power that we fear makes us safe from one another. Connecting his point to the UN presence in Haiti, where several thousand heavily armed UN soldiers constitute what is called a “stabilization” force, seemed only too obvious. It was on my mind through almost the entire class. But the group found other things to talk about, and I never found quite the right moment to bring it up.

A little way down the street from the Kofaviv office is the side street that leads up to the Social Sciences branch of the national university. That’s the branch where Frémy and several other of my Haitian colleagues studied. It has long tended to be a source of political activism, attracting as it does some of the more radical of Haiti’s intellectuals and youth.

As I got to the intersection, I saw a student whom I recently met. He was working with some of his friends to block the street. They had hauled the wreck of an automobile into the middle of the intersection, and were now surrounding the wreck with large rocks and tires. When I asked him what they were doing, he smiled and said that they were celebrating the anniversary of the UN. It was, in fact, United Nations Day. The student, whose name is Jean-Louis, laughed as he said that the UN was in Haiti to help Haitians and that they had decided to help too. His sarcasm could not have been more clear.

UN forces have now been in Haiti for over two years, and it seems worth considering what they are accomplishing. In and around Pòtoprens, one sees them everywhere: standing in and around the tank that sits within 100 yards of Suzette’s home in Douya, driving personnel carriers or fancy SUVs up and down between Pòtoprens and Delma on any of the three congested roads that link the two, guarding the entrances – or should I say “the exits”? – of the city’s slums, sitting in Epi D’Or, Delma’s first-rate fast food establishment. I even heard that they passed by Ka Glo once. There are Brazilians, Argentineans, Jordanians, Sri Lankans, Peruvians, Moroccans, Nepalese, Chileans, and others.

The first time their presence really struck me here was shortly after I arrived. I was traveling to Ench with Saül, riding in a pick-up truck on the road that connects Pòtoprens with the Central Plateau. Just before we got to Tè Wouj, a small market on the way, we saw a contingent of Nepalese soldiers, sitting on and around two armored personnel carriers. When we got to Tè Wouj itself, the market was filled with heavily armed Haitians in an irregular range of semi-uniforms. They seemed to be just wandering around, snacking and chatting with market women. A few turns in the road after Tè Wouj, we saw another Nepalese force. We had just crossed two battle lines. The Haitians, who were part of a group identifying themselves as former members of Haiti’s disbanded military, were surrounded. That Haitian force had been one of the collection of violent and non-violent groups that had contributed to the deterioration of the situation here before President Aristide left in February 2004. But it had not put down its arms when Aristide left and the interim regime supported by the American government took power.

What was most striking to me at the time was how little the battle lines meant to those of us who just happened to be heading to Ench that day. Though it is intimidating to see a heavily-armed military force, and even more intimidating to see a heavily-armed group of irregulars, nothing actually happened. We were not stopped. No one asked any questions. Apparently, we were of no interest to either side. Shortly after we made the trip, the force of former soldiers evaporated.

Things have changed in Haiti since that time and, except for continuing inflation, the changes have mostly been improvements, at least as far as I can tell. Pòtoprens is very much safer than it was. A year ago, both Haitians and foreigners needed to be very particular about where they went around the capital. Gunfire was a constant in several neighborhoods. Kidnapping was a daily occurrence.

Things really are different now. But it’s hard to know whether to credit the UN. The most dramatic change we’ve seen can serve as an example. Violence stopped very suddenly in Site Solèy shortly after René Préval was recognized as the winner of the presidential election. It just stopped. At least for awhile. This was after months of almost continuous fighting between the Haitian police, supported by UN forces, and the area’s gangs.

I don’t think there was much connection, though, between that sudden peace and anything that the UN forces or the Haitian police were doing. It would be more accurate, I think, to say that the gang leaders decided they wanted to give Préval an opportunity to deal with them peacefully. Or that they found some less violent way to further their interests.

I have occasionally seen UN soldiers roll up their sleeves to do real work. I once passed a friendly group of Chileans, with shovels in hand and a tractor helping out, repairing a road between Twoudinò and Fòlibète that floods had made impassable. One reads about school construction and other useful labor as well.

But we should not kid ourselves about such work. Unemployment in Haiti is extremely high. Ka Glo itself, where most of the men are skilled construction workers, is filled with guys who can’t find jobs. It is hard to understand why the UN or any other organization would think that it is in Haiti’s interest for them to send teams of soldiers to do construction work. It would, I imagine, be much less expensive and more beneficial to hire available Haitians.

And those projects may not all be as helpful as one would like. The heavy – though distant, Mom – shooting that I heard last Saturday was directly connected to one such project. Here’s a link to a description in the “International Herald Tribune”:
http://www.iht.com/articles/ap/2006/10/19/news/CB_GEN_Haiti_Slum_Violence.php

But the story I heard from numerous conversations – none of which was, I should add, with an eyewitness – was at odds with the newspaper report. I heard that, in the course of building a road, UN troops were knocking down houses. The houses were being bulldozed with all their residents’ possessions inside, and the residents were neither being compensated nor helped to find a new place to stay. I was told that residents were trying to defend themselves.

I cannot vouch for the truth of the matter. I wasn’t there. But the story both reflects Haitian opinions of what the UN is likely to do and further denigrates the UN in Haitians’ eyes.

Usually, if I ask a Haitian what the UN is doing here in Haiti, they will say one of two things. Either they’ll say that they are doing nothing or that they are making money. Salaries for UN personnel are large. I once spoke to a Chicago police officer who was considering an offer of over $100,000, tax-free, to spend a year in Haiti training police. High UN salaries must be especially attractive to those who come from poor countries. It’s easy to take a cynical view of the UN’s work.

I should, however, finish with a serious and opposing view. When I asked Suzette what she thinks of the presence of the tank and its soldiers so near her home, she said, a little sadly perhaps, that she is glad that they are there. Their presence, she said, has settled things down. If they had not been there, she added, she could not have invited me. It would not have been safe.

Simple answers are hard to find. To say that things would be better or worse without the UN presence would be hard to argue convincingly. Comparing reality to hypothesis leaves lots of room for the imagination. What is clear is that a peace that simply depends on the presence of an occupying power is not a good peace. It may be better than nothing, but it’s not simply good. Sooner or later, Haitians will have to be allowed to work things out.

Heard from a safe distance, gunfire sounds a little like popcorn. I should add, before I continue, that I never hear it from any less than a safe distance. In fact, I hadn’t heard any at all for awhile. But I spent Thursday morning in Site Solèy, and it was a tough morning in a part of that large neighborhood within distant earshot of our meeting place.

It must be a hard place to live even in the best of times. The better housing available is merely dilapidated. Small, concrete rooms separated by narrow, crooked alleys. Most of the housing is worse. I think of the place where Geto lives with his grandmother. It’s not much more than a twisted wooden frame covered with metal roofing material. It’s a little hard to tell whether the frame is supporting the roofing material or the roofing material is holding the frame together. The house’s best feature is its raised concrete floor. Plenty of homes in the area have dirt floors, which turn to mud wherever it rains.

And these are not the best of times, even if they’re not the worse, even if things are, in some ways, looking up. Thursday’s gunfire is one testimony to that. The UN tank I saw near Suzette’s house last Saturday is another, even if Suzette explained that it was thanks to that tank and the soldiers in it that she felt confident that it was safe for me to come. The fact that Peruvians in blue UN helmets frisked me as I left Héguel’s neighborhood on Thursday is a third.

But a more meaningful testimony to the difficulties in Site Solèy was Thursday’s meeting itself. I was meeting with a group for the first time, more than 35 young men. They had invited me, through a friend named Héguel, to talk with them about their situation. He had told them something about the kinds of work that I do, and they wondered whether there was anything we might want to do together. They were not members of any organization, just young, unemployed men, looking for ways to improve their situation.

What was initially surprising was that there were so many of them. Héguel lives in the neighborhood, but had not really been home much over the past four weeks because of work he had found. He’s a strong English speaker, and he got two weeks of work as a translator. After that, he spent almost two more weeks attending a workshop for interviewers who are going to do the research necessary to develop a new educational program.

In any case, he hadn’t been home to encourage anyone to come to the meeting. He just let the word spread that a foreigner who works in education would be visiting him on a certain day. When I got to his place, there were already fifteen or so waiting for me, and twenty more were there within a half-hour.

That is to say that none of these young men, all of them in the prime of their lives, has anything better to do with their time in the middle of a Thursday morning than come to meet with a foreigner they know little about. They are not in school. They do not have jobs. They don’t run small businesses that require their presence. They are idle.

And if their presence during a three-hour meeting hadn’t made this clear enough, then what they said at the beginning of the meeting left no room for doubt. They have no work. Some said they wanted to, but could not afford to, go to school. Some said they had children, but that they couldn’t send them to school. They talked about the lack of decent water, the lack of decent housing, the lack of health services. Some said they were hungry. And that was all in the first twenty minutes, when we were introducing ourselves to one another.

We met on an enclosed porch next to Héguel’s one-room, second-story apartment. There was only one chair, so we sat in a circle on the floor, leaning against the wall. For my own part, I introduced myself at greater length than I normally would. I felt that it was important for me to be clear from the start: I am not in Haiti with a big budget I’m looking to invest in Site Solèy or anywhere else. I will not be giving them jobs. I won’t be building schools or homes or health clinics or libraries. The resources I can make available are my time and my interest in talking with them. Better that the meeting evaporate early than that it proceed fueled by false hopes or expectations.

But the meeting didn’t evaporate. There were about a half-dozen of the guys who took on strong roles. They wanted me to hear a lot about the way they live and the problems that they face. Two main threads of the conversation emerged quickly. On one hand, there was the continually increasing list of their unmet needs – for jobs, homes, education for them and their children. On the other hand, there was their feeling that they would like to be organized but that they don’t know how.

I tried to turn those two threads into one. I said that there are different ways to look at what it means to be organized. One way, not the most interesting one, is to establish what is called an “organization.” You can give your organization a name, schedule meetings, choose leaders, and make rules. The other way is to simply choose an activity you want to undertake together and let that activity, and the various tasks it involves, serve as an organizing principle.

They bought my reasoning, and so we turned to considering whether there was an activity we could take on together. The number of speakers narrowed as two or three insisted that what they want is education. At this point, I was a little concern about the number of voices that were not being heard, so I suggested an experiment. Rather than simply heeding what the more active speakers were saying, we would make a list on the blackboard of the range of activities that might be of interest. We would then invite everyone to come to the blackboard and mark the one that seemed most important to them.

It was a miserable failure. After the first few people, all of whom had been among the active speakers, had marked training as their highest priority, others simply followed suit. It was unanimous. And while it is possible that they were all genuinely in agreement on the point, it seems likelier that the pressure to conform played a strong role.

So we began to talk about the different kinds of education or training they might be interested in. One or two of the have professional skills – there was a stonemason and an electrician among them – and we considered whether they wanted to ask those professionals to share what they know. But though a couple of them entertained the idea briefly, it never gathered much momentum.

For whatever reason, what really excited them was the prospect of learning English. Several of them said they wanted to speak English the way I speak Creole. I explained that this would be hard, that my being in Haiti, among Haitians, is what is helping me learn their language. For them to learn English in a classroom would be a very different matter. I also said that language learning needs to be regular, and that I could not even guarantee them that I would be able to join them once-a-week. I said that if they wanted to organize an English class, I would come whenever I can, perhaps almost weekly, but that they wouldn’t achieve much unless they could find someone else to work with them more often.

At this point negotiations centered around Héguel. He already teaches English to several private students, and it turned out he was willing to give the group some of is time as well. So we agreed to get started.

I’m a little unclear where this will all lead. I’m skeptical as to whether English will really be useful to them, and I imagine that they may feel, soon enough, that they want something different or more. But I’m hoping that the class can address the larger problem. I’m hoping we can find ways to use it to help them organize themselves for useful tasks. Perhaps we can create simple conversations around practical questions like how they can get their children to school or, more generally, what they can do to change their lives.

If we can, it will be a very different English class from anything I am used to. And participating in it will be of very great interest indeed.

The Kovafiv group continues to plug away. Kofaviv is the Commission of Women Victims for Victims, an organization founded by rape victims for other rape victims. They provide health services, education, advocacy, and counseling. Frémy and I have been meeting with them since February.

After finishing our work with the first volume of Wonn Refleksyon texts, we decided to do two things. On one hand, we would continue our weekly meetings, working on the more difficult second volume of texts. Rather than their depending on Frémy and me to lead the discussions, however, volunteers from among the Kofaviv women would step up to lead each week. On the other, the women would establish discussion groups in their own neighborhoods. I would begin visiting them in the field to observe them as they lead discussions, offering such coaching and encouragement as I can.

Tuesday’s discussion from Volume Two was especially striking. We used an excerpt from a book about number theory by Richard Dedekind. The text discusses the nature of the four basic arithmetic operations, arguing that they are human creations, extensions of the simple act of counting. It’s a text that’s generally felt by the Haitians I work with to be especially challenging. They can’t imagine what they’ll have to say about mathematics. It seems irrelevant, too far from their real interests, to serve as the source of conversation that we expect our texts to be.

Suzette, the volunteer leader of Tuesday’s meeting, felt just that way. She wasn’t sure how a text on mathematics could foster discussion. But at the beginning of the class, she gritted her teeth and got to work. She had volunteered to lead the group, and it was too late to back out.

She went through the standard procedures. She read the page-and-a-half-long text aloud for the class, and then invited them to re-read it silently, thinking of questions they felt could be used to open a conversation. She then sent them into groups of three or four, assigning each group to talk about the questions that its individual members proposed and to choose the one question that could serve the class best.

While the participants met in those small groups, Suzette asked me to talk with her about the text. She had been reading and re-reading the text all week, but she said that she had no questions to ask.

This was false. She had several questions. What she meant was that she had little confidence that they were good questions. We talk in our meetings about what it takes to form a good question, and we try to convince people that good questions are short, clear, and honest, that it’s really this simple: People should ask about simple things they want to understand better. They often feel, however, that their questions need to reflect some special understanding they already have. Therefore, when they feel as though they don’t understand a reading, they can tend to think that they have nothing to ask, rather than that they have all the more reason to pose questions.

Suzette should know better, and I told her so. She’s a pillar in our Tuesday group, precisely because she’s willing to just ask anything that strikes her curiosity. Often enough, she’ll complain that she doesn’t understand a text, only to show us all that what she describes as a lack of understanding is a probing intellect that can point us all on the route to discovery. But I suppose that the mathematics in front of us seemed just a little too strange.

When the small group work was done, we had three opening questions on the wall. One group wanted to know how numbers are useful. Another group, picking up on a claim made in the text, suggested we start by asking whether multiplication is the same as addition. I don’t remember what the third question was. Suzette opened the large group discussion by simply asking which question the group wanted to start with.

One interesting aspect of the conversation that ensued was that it had little to do with the questions that the small groups proposed. Though a small amount of time was invested in the first few minutes trying to figure out a couple of puzzling passages in the text – including the one that seemed to some of the women to suggest that addition and multiplication are the same – there was one theme that dominated the first half of the discussion. To explain that theme properly, I need to say something more about the group.

The women are a very mixed bunch. They range greatly in age. Some of them are in their late 50s, but many are in their early 20s as well. They also range greatly in their educational levels. One or two are entirely illiterate, while others are high school or university graduates.

Generally speaking, however, someone meeting with them would have a hard time telling how much education each of them has. There is one named Solange, whom I know to be illiterate because I see other group members opening her book each week to the appropriate page. But there are also two professional nurses. The way the women speak to one another makes such distinctions hard to trace.

On the other hand, the mathematics text was different. For the first part of the conversation, things were very much dominated by the younger, more educated women.

This might seem unsurprising. One might have assumed that a more academic text would be more accessible to the women with more academic training. But that assumption would have masked what was really happening, because the main point that the younger, more educated women were interested in making was that they are much worse at math than their uneducated mothers, aunts, and neighbors are. One after another, they marveled at the calculations that the illiterate market women who raised them are capable of. They were trying to understand how their education could have robbed them of arithmetic skills.

I’ve done math with enough Haitian school kids over the years to have some thoughts about this. One way to put things would be to say that the kids have been taught to use fixed procedures rather than their good common sense. For example, kids I work with will regularly give answers to subtraction problems that are greater than the numbers they begin with because they get confused when they need to borrow. They’ll come up with something like 10,000–9999=11,111. Another example: The other day, I was showing a fifth grader named Mackenson how to simplify fractions. In the course of working out one problem, he had to divide 108 by 2. He wrote that 108÷2=513. It turned out that he had misplaced a remainder somewhere in the middle of the problem, and that this led him to his surprising result.

The point is that Mackenson gave me the answer with a straight face. As soon as I asked him whether he thought that his answer could be true, he looked at it, smiled, and found his mistake. But before I asked, it did not occur to him to consider his answer and ask himself whether it made sense. He had learned a certain procedure, though he hadn’t learned it well, and he wasn’t going to let his own intelligence get involved.

What the more educated Kofaviv women were noticing was that they cannot do as much with the math they learned as their mothers can do with an arithmetic that seems second nature to them. And I think it’s because their education has encouraged them to detach mathematics from the good common sense that – as we say – God gave them.

Eventually, Suzette pointed out that only the younger, more educated women were talking, and a short silence followed. That silence was broken by Solange. She said that it was only natural that she could do math in her head. Often enough, she said, she had been down to her last 50 gourds – about $1.30 these days – needing to somehow feed her children for a day. That meant figuring how much rice to buy, how much cooking fuel, how much oil.

Solange’s remark opened the door for the rest of the older women. Almost all are businesswomen. They buy and sell various inexpensive items in and around their neighborhood markets to make the money they need to run their lives. They each talked about the kind of calculations they’re making all the time: profit, expense, income, and loss. And, like Solange, about how to divide up the money they have to make sure their children are fed. One woman, also named Solange, spoke at length of how she got discouraged and left school in her earliest years because she was always getting grades in math like 30% or 40%. She went on to explain how easy she found it, even as she was failing in math class, to keep track of the expenses and profits in the small business she started as a little girl.

The conversation went on for an hour and a half, thirty minutes longer than we had planned. Towards the end, the group’s head nurse, Kerline, who is the most educated of them all, said that what she had learned was that real math is not at all what she had learned in school. It is, she said, a way of thinking that’s natural to all people. Others wanted to conclude differently. They preferred to talk about how a text they had expected to be remote from their experience turned out to raise issues quite central to their lives.

Suzette just wanted to smile. Once again she had discovered that she and her classmates could make good use of a text by just letting their own experiences take center stage.

Saturday, I had a second chance to watch Suzette work, this time near her home in Douya, a neighborhood on the northern edge of Site Solèy, Pòtoprens’s most notorious slum. Her discussion group consists of about a dozen girls and women, ranging in age from twelve or thirteen to 60-something. The only “man” in the group is an infant who spent much of the meeting nursing at his shockingly-young mother’s breast.

Just finding their meeting place promised to be a challenge. Most of Site Solèy consists of clusters of beaten-up one-room homes, stuck together cheek-by-jowl, with winding corridors no wider than three or four feet leading around them. Suzette was able to explain to me how to get to her neighborhood, but there was little chance she’s be able to explain how to find her home. But when I got off the back of a pick-up truck on the main road, just past the UN tank keeping watch over the area, my questions were answered. A pack of children I had never met started yelling “Steve! Steve! Steve!” They were Suzette’s look-outs, and they led me straight to her.

The group sat in an eight-by-ten foot entrance in front of one woman’s home. There were no chairs, so we all just sat on the floor, leaning against the wall. The ground rules for discussion that Wonn Refleksyon depends on were written in chalk in a clear and careful hand on one of the walls.

Initially, the women crowded very closely together to give me as much space as possible. As small as the place was, I had several empty feet on each side of me, but they were nearly on top of one another. I asked whether they were shrinking from me because of my smell. Then they laughed, and spread themselves more evenly around the room.

In some ways, Suzette ran the discussion the way she had run the one with her Kofaviv colleagues earlier in the week. She read the text aloud – this time a little folktale about some mice that steal some cheese and run into trouble because they can’t figure out how to share it – and then asked group members to spend a few minutes thinking about it. She sent them into small groups, asking each group to settle on a question. When the groups were ready with their questions, she asked the class as a whole which one they wanted to start with. Someone chose one, and we were off.

But in some ways her leadership was very different. Whereas on Tuesday she had behaved as on group member among many, controlling the activity only in the sense that she led us through the steps in the procedure she had chosen, on Saturday she was a forceful and very active presence all through the dialogue. She wanted to make sure that all the women spoke up, so she spent the whole class pushing the quieter ones, asking their opinions, insisting that they respond.

The difference in her approach was only natural, reflecting as it did the difference between a group that’s been meeting together, in one form or another, for several years and one that was in its third week of work.

What will be interesting to track is whether and how Suzette’s leadership of her Saturday group changes as the group’s experience grows. Will she remain its dominant figure even as other members grow more accustomed to the work, or will she be able to let go of her central role and share leadership of the group with its members? If she can let go, if the group can take shared responsibility for its work, then there is no telling how far they can go together.

Suzette and two of her look-outs: